WAS THE RIOT CONNIVED AT?—HEROISM OF HENRY, DUKE OF BUCCLEUGH— STRANGE CONDUCT OF THE AUTHORITIES—RELIEF BILL DEFERRED—BISHOP HAY’S RETURN TO EDINBURGH—COMFORTS HIS PEOPLE—PRINCIPAL ROBERT­SONS HOUSE DEFENDED—THOSE OF SIR JOHN DALRYMPLE AND MR. CROSBIE PROTECTED BY TIlE SHERIFF—SINGULAR PROCLAMATION OF THE MAGIS­TRATES—CHIEF JUSTICE MILLER EQUALLY PUSILLANIMOUS—JUDGE SIR JOHN DALRYMPLE’S SYMPATHY WITH BISHOP HAY—INSISTS ON COMPENSATION— THE CLERGY OBLIGED TO LIVE CONCEALED—BISHOP HAY NOT DISCOUR­AGED—ABERDEEN THREATENED WITH RIOT—PREVENTED BY PRINCIPAL CAMPBEL AND DR. GERARD—RIOT AT GLASGOW—MR. BAGNAL’S HOUSE AND PROPERTY DESTROYED—VIGOUR OF MAGISTRATES—DAMAGES PROMPTLY PAID—KINDNESS OF MERCHANTS AND MINISTERS—DUNDEE IN DANGER— OFFICER ON DUTY THREATENS THE POPULACE WITH FIXED BAYONETS—A MOB AT PEEBLES—AN OTHER AT PERTH—COUNTY GENTLEMEN SAVE STOB­HALL—SAD TIME—CLERGY ABROAD ONLY AFTER NIGHTFALL—A FANATICAL M.P. INSISTS THAT ALL CHILDREN OF CATHOLICS BE BROUGHT UP PROTES­TANTS—CATHOLICS PROPOSE EMIGRATING IN A BODY—THE PROPOSAL DISCOURAGED—BISHOP HAY’S EFFORTS TO OBTAIN INDEMNIFICATION AND PROTECTION FOR THE FUTURE—KEEN DEBATES IN PARLIAMENT—MESSRS. FOX AND WILKES INSISTING ON MORE THAN THE BISHOP ASKED—WOULD HAVE RELIEF BILL AT ONCE—MR. BURKE PREVAILS; CAUSES GOVERNMENT TO PAY ONE HALF OF THE RIOT COST AND COMPEL THE CITY OF EDINBURGH TO PAY THE REMAINING HALF—CATHOLICS PROTECTED ALTHOUGH NO FORMAL ASSURANCE COULD BE GIVEN.

It will ever be a mystery to ordinary readers how it came to pass, that with abundant means of defence at hand, no efficient protection was given to the Bishop’s house or those of the Catholic laymen which were attacked and plundered. The town guard is not worth mentioning; but there was in the city a numerous body of the regiment of “Fencibles,” commanded by the Duke of Buccleugh. If these men had acted, there would have been no destruction of property. But how came it that they did not act when their commander displayed so much zeal and courage? The riot act, indeed, was read; but no entreaty on the part of the commander, or Lieutenant-Colonel, could prevail on the magistrates to use the military at their command, in other words, they would not authorize the soldiers to charge the mob. This looked like collusion with the rioters, as was, indeed, alleged with much show of truth. Why did not the Commander, who was Lord-Lieu­tenant of the county, give the order to scatter the rabble? Nobody suspected him of connivance. He frequently endangered his life by his political efforts; but the civic authority alone, we imagine, commanded in the city. It was a pleasure to hear the late Mr. Menzies of Pitfodels relate how Henry, Duke of Buccleugh, sprang into the midst of the mob, seized a ringleader, and handed him to the authorities. This, it appears, he did several times, at great personal risk. But what availed it? No sooner were such parties committed to prison in the Castle than they were liberated, and that by the orders of the Lord Advocate? It looked like inaugurating anarchy when the rulers of the land thus encouraged the outrageous proceedings of an impious and lawless mob. Several tradesmen suffered the destruction of their shops. Among these sufferers were Lockhart and Smith, who, it will be remembered, left the non-juring flock and became the occa­sion of “the appendix” to Bishop Hay’s work on Miracles.

The dangers arising from the agitation in Scotland discouraged the Government from forwarding the Relief Bill. The Scotch members were induced by the popular clamour to with­hold their support. So, with the general consent, it was formally withdrawn. Bishop Hay, now that nothing more could be done towards the great object of repeal, in the meantime, hastened back to Scotland, where his afflicted people stood in need of all the comfort and support it was in his power to afford them. He reached Edinburgh at the very time the flames were devouring his new house and Church. While walking from the inn towards his home, quite unaware of what was happening, he observed that the streets were unusually crowded. To his great surprise, the crowding increased as he proceeded. When near Blackfriars’ Wynd, he enquired of an old woman whom he met, what the matter was—what it all meant. “O, sir,” she replied, “we are burning the Popish chapel, and we only wish we had the Bishop to throw into the fire.” The Bishop made the best of his way to the Castle where he was safe in the midst of our brave mili­tary.
The day after that on which the new house was burned, the mob attacked and plundered the chapel house in Blackfriar’s Wynd. It was, however, in so crowded a locality, that the whole city would have been in manifest danger if it had been set on fire. Resistance was therefore made, and successfully. The stand which Principal Robertson had made in support of modera­tion, humanity and justice, had rendered him obnoxious to the fanatical populace. They deter­mined, therefore, to devote the afternoon to the destruction of his residence which was within the precincts of the University He himself took refuge in the castle, and a strong attachment of the “Fencibles” supported by cavalry effectually protected the house of this excellent man notwithstanding the oft-repeated attacks of the mob.

Some fear was entertained for Lord Linton’s town residence, Ramsay Lodge, and his infant daughter was removed to a place of safety, while his chaplain, Mr. Cruikshanks, withdrew for a few days to Traquair House.

Wednesday evening, according to a notice sent, was appointed for a visit by the mob to Sir John Dalrymple and Mr. Crosbie. The latter was not only an eloquent pleader, but also at the same time a skilful artillery man. He availed himself of his knowledge and made warlike preparations, covering the roof of his house with hand grenades and loaded blunderbusses, and, so, awaited the arrival of the enemy. Sir John, as he himself related, not being so well acquainted with the art of war, sent a requisition to the magistrates, as one of the king’s judges, asking for a guard of soldiers and a qualified person to read the riot act, and that he, as a justice of the peace for the county, should have the command of the whole party in the event of his house being attacked. The magistrates could not assist him, as his house was not within the Royalty. They, however, sent his message to the sheriff. This official at once went to him, and offered him a hundred soldiers, the riot act, and as much powder and ball as he wished for his use on the occa­sion. The populace hearing of the formidable preparations that were made to receive them at the houses of Sir John Dalrymple and Mr. Crosbie, contented themselves with marching forward and backward, several times, before their gates; but without venturing to attack. Surely as much might have been done, and with as good results, at the commencement of the riot. “Where there’s a will there’s a way.”

The same evening, the Lord Provost and magistrates pronounced their own condemnation by a Proclamation which they issued. It formally assured the citizens that the Relief Bill had been withdrawn, and that, in consequence, the fears and apprehensions of well-meaning people with regard to the penal laws against “Papists” might now be set at rest. They concluded by informing the public that the magistrates were now resolved to take vigourous measures for repressing riotous and tumultuous meetings of the populace; for now they were satisfied “that any future disorders could proceed only from the wicked views of bad and designing men.” This was an indirect, indeed, but certain sanctioning of the riot that had just occurred, and of any similar riot provided that its objects were opposition to the Catholic Relief Bill. Well-meaning persons had mobbed and rioted, plundered and burned in order to obstruct the repeal of the Penal Laws. There was no further alarm on that head now; future rioters and incendiaries, therefore, would not be allowed the benefit of the mild treatment suitable to well-meaning persons. Thus was a dangerous precedent established. But, indeed, nothing better could have been expected from the magistrates of Edinburgh. But what must not be our surprise when we find men of the highest education, statesmen and judges of the land, acting with the like pusillanimity! A few days later, a proclamation similar to that of the magistrates was issued by Sir Thomas Miller, who was at that time the highest criminal judge in Scotland. He claimed to be authorized by Lord Weymouth, one of the secretaries of State, who, through the medium of the Lord justice clerk, desired to assure the people of Scotland that no Bill for the repeal of the laws against Papists was intended to be brought into Parliament by any member of the Government, or by any other person known to Lord Weymouth. He ended by expressing the hope that this assurance would “quiet the minds of all ranks of people on this subject.”

The “friends of the Protestant interest” and their great supporter, the populace of Edinburgh, now rested from their labours, satisfied, as well they might, with the victory which, to the lasting disgrace of the rulers of the land, they had so easily won.

Bishop Hay, who had suffered so much, was not without sympathy. The flames of his favourite house and church, it may be said, were still blazing, when that most worthy judge Sir John Dalrymple, wrote to him, kindly offering all the encouragement that words could convey. The first half of his letter was in French, in case it should be intercepted. “Have no fear at all; every­thing will turn out to your advantage. It is reported that the city will willingly pay your damages. Let me know where you are; I will come and see you. If you want money I will send you some. The city and the Advocate will let the prisoners escape for want of proof; take care then to have proofs in the precognition which will soon be taken. You ought to write, with thousand thanks, to the Duke of Buccleugh; he ventured his life, over and over again, to save your house and your people, and had the magistrates done their duty, as, he did, your house would now have been standing and Mrs. Macdonald living. * * * Some think this is the time to get your Bill, that Government may show the populace are not to prescribe to them. I have advised Lord Linton to be governed by Lord Mansfield.”

Lord Linton was still in London; the noble minded Dalrymple wrote to him, also, conveying the news of the riot. He condemned indignantly the conduct of the magistrates throughout the whole affair, adding that the few prisoners, who still remained in custody, would probably be discharged, “as there is party in the case; and thus to gain a borough, 25,000 of the most zealous subjects will be lost to the King.... If the corporation be not obliged to pay the damages done and the prisoners be not punished, then I think there is no Government in Scotland; and if the King’s servants leave this country to itself, they may chance to hear of it. I did not expect to see the day when the non-jurors and the enthusiastical part of this country were to prescribe Acts of Parliament for the rest of us. Their fury was the more ungenerous that the news had come down the day before of Your Lordship’s dropping the Bill for the sake of public quiet.”

The Catholics of Scotland were now in a worse position than they had been in for thirty years, after all that they had done towards promoting the relief of their brethren in England and Ireland. The clergy were without a house or church, and were obliged to live concealed in the houses of their friends. Bishop Hay’s papers were fortunately saved from the flames; but his furniture and a valuable library, the accumulation of three of his predecessors, had partly been destroyed by the fire and partly distributed, by public auction, among the riotous populace. He, nevertheless, showed the most exemplary resignation. He was more concerned for the sufferings of his afflicted people than grieved by his own losses. He exhorted them not to be discouraged, but to trust that in God’s own good time, “He will make light to rise out of darkness and order out of confusion.” He assured them, moreover, that if they and he himself were not wanting in their duty, His infinite goodness would turn all to their greater good, remembering “that all things work together for good, to them who love God;” and “that, through many tribulations, we must enter into the kingdom of heaven.” He conjured them, at the same time, never to allow the slightest resentment against those who injured them, to enter their hearts, following the example of Him who prayed, when on the bitter cross: “Father, forgive them for they know not what they do.”

Aberdeen was also threatened; and was only saved from a riot, similar to that which had disgraced Edinburgh, by the successful exertions of Principal Campbell and Dr. Gerard in behalf of order and peace.

In Glasgow the Catholics were less fortunate. A day of fasting and humiliation had been appointed throughout Scotland, by Royal proclamation, on account of the war with France and America. The “friends to the Protestant interest” resolved to give additional sanctity to the day, by a riotous attack on the property of several Catholics of the place. In defiance of the magis­trates and the military, the mob completely destroyed the stock in Mr. Bagnall’s Staffordshire warehouse, together with his private residence. On some of the ringleaders being apprehended, the populace demanded their release with such fury, that the authorities were obliged to set them at liberty. The magistrates, however, adopted more vigourous measures; the streets were patrolled by military and by a large body of special constables furnished by the incorporate trades, and the riot ended with the day. The principal merchants and even the ministers were ashamed of the violence of the mob and kindly received the victims of its lawlessness. There never was any difficulty in obtaining full compensation for their losses.

Symptoms of an inclination to riot were manifested at Dundee. They were promptly and effec­tually checked by the commandant, who swore that, on the first appearance of any disorder, he would turn out four hundred soldiers with fixed bayonets.

A mob at Peebles audaciously threatened the ancient house of Traquair. Their wrath, however, was pleased to be satisfied by throwing stones at Catholics as they came out of the chapel. They were probably cool enough to calculate the cost of further violence.

A Perth mob, bent on mischief, put itself in march for Stobhall under the auspices of the “Friends to Protestantism.” The county gentlemen, however, gathered a respectable force, consisting of their servants and the country people, for the defence of their Catholic neighbours. The mob becoming aware of this preparation to meet them and hearing the discharge of fire­arms, retired without risking a battle.

It was a sorrowful time. The clergy could not walk abroad in the streets till after nightfall; and as regarded the public duties of their office, they could do nothing; they had neither house nor chapel wherein to officiate. The “friends of the Protestant interest” pushed their persecution so far as to insist that Protestants should have no relation whatever with Catholics even, n the ordi­nary business of life. A fanatical member of Parliament went farther still and proposed that for the more effectual annihilation of the hated religion, Catholic children should be taken from under the care of their parents and be brought up by Protestants. So little prospect was there of escaping from such cruel persecution, that the Catholics seriously entertained the project of emigrating in a body, to some foreign country. Spain was thought of and the Spanish ambas­sador at London gave every countenance to the scheme. It was discouraged by influential Cath­olics, and, in a short time, abandoned. Meanwhile Bishop Hay was making great exertions in order to obtain indemnification and protection for the future. His two-fold claim occupied the attention of Parliament for some time, and was keenly debated. Mr. Wilkes and Mr. Fox insisted on more than the Bishop asked. They would have the Relief Bill immediately proceeded with. Mr. Burke was the most eloquent advocate; and finally, after much debating, he induced the Legislature to decide that Government should pay one-half of the damage done by the Edin­burgh riot, and that the city should be compelled to pay the remaining half. The assessors had already decided that payment be made, but the magistrates and council held the contrary opinion. The debates in Parliament aroused their fears; and they were only too glad to find that they were obliged to pay only one-half.

The assurance of protection to Catholics by the Legislature was quite another question. It was objected to on the ground that it would have amounted to a repeal of the penal laws, and could not be safely entertained in the actual state of the country. The Bishop and his friends were only too glad that they had succeeded so well, and found so many powerful supporters among the rulers of the land. Although there was no formal promise of protection, Catholics and their prop­erty, nevertheless, were protected in every place where riot was attempted, except one, and that one, the capital of the country, was made to pay for its delinquency.